100,000 Followers Later

To think it all began with a simple tweet…

Tell me if this works.

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

January 17, 2009

Then word slowly started to spread,

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And sure enough, one tweet about Justice Scalia’s hat got the wheels in motion.

Scalia in a really weird hat.

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

January 20, 2009

Since I do all the tweeting myself, I’ve found out the hard way that people notice if you make a spelling mistake or two.

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Facing sweet dilemma. Tx Senators are paying off World Series bet with BlueBell ice cream in a few. I say spluge. #11in11

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

November 3, 2011

I meant splurge. And yes I did. Chocolate. Yum. Of course just cause it was celebrating the best comeback it World Series history!

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

November 3, 2011

Despite my typing errors, there’s no better way to share with all of you the good news in my life. Especially, those grandchildren of mine.

Sunday morning heaven. All four grandsons in the house. pic.twitter.com/DOCudNWIj1

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

June 2, 2013

Yes. I bought him that onesie. #proudgrandmother pic.twitter.com/cDT21necka

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

December 15, 2013

Or the now infamous gift I gave my son last year for this birthday.

My son’s birthday present is in that box. I’m roasting him a whole pig. #porkrules #molakefun pic.twitter.com/k3f0a4WCDS

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

August 31, 2013

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And I can’t forget my beloved Mizzou Tigers. MIZ…

Ok,haters out there pls ignore me for 48 hours.My Mizzou has big ass game on Sat & I’m obsessed.My couch: pic.twitter.com/OWF4We11Ux

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

December 6, 2013

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I’ve also never shied away from sharing the less glamorous parts of my life. 

I’m tired of looking and feeling fat. Maybe talking about it publicly will keep me on track as I try to be more disciplined.Off to the gym.

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

May 12, 2011

But, I couldn’t have done it without you.

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So much so, that I still choose not to follow anyone because I’m focused on making sure I read every single tweet that mentions my handle, and often finding time to personally respond,

Need to repeat this from time to time. Why I don’t follow you. http://t.co/bSU0oDrZOD From March 2010.

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

June 20, 2013

even to the haters.

Here is sample of my breakfast hate: “@clairecmc oh forgot she is a liberal socialists she is exempt from ethics ANTI-AMERICAN SLUT” Sad.

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

October 3, 2013

In fact, I’ve been tweeting long enough now to mention Justice Scalia and his hat, again.

Yup. There it is. #Scaliaweirdhat pic.twitter.com/Advv11mj

— Claire McCaskill (@clairecmc)

January 21, 2013

And while I have 100,000 of you to thank for sharing your opinions, challenging me with thoughtful questions, and keeping me engaged, I have no plans to stop anytime soon.

There’s lots more in store and you can be sure I’ll be sharing it with all of you.

-Claire

Talking Turkey

I stand in the shadows of my mother and her mother when it comes to the kitchen. I watched and learned for many years as they worked their special magic with the food for family gatherings. I miss them both terribly, but I do my best to live up to their legacy of love and food and fun, especially at Thanksgiving.

I will follow our family tradition and do two turkeys, one roasted and one smoked. Both will be brined overnight. Here’s one of my family secrets for juicy turkey. As you may know, one of the tricky parts is getting the thigh/leg cooked without drying out the breast. This solves that problem:
 

About 30 minutes before you begin cooking the turkey, put ice cubes in zip-lock bags. Then drape the zip-lock bags so the ice is sitting on each breast. Hold in place with a heavy item, like canned goods. This chills the breast meat so it starts the cooking process colder than the rest of the turkey. Works perfectly!


The turkey is the star, but I will also prepare (with the help of my children Austin, Maddie, and Lily) three stuffings: oyster, sourdough with bacon and  wild mushroom, and wild rice with sausage and goat cheese. There will also be green beans and Dijon Brussels sprouts.  Lots of creamy mashed potatoes with scratch gravy will round out the meal. And for dessert, of course, pumpkin pie with fresh whipped cream.  And this year a special cake for my grandson Conner’s first birthday.

Here’s wishing you and your family a Happy Thanksgiving full of loving chaos, good food, and honored traditions.

 - Claire

And now abide faith, hope, love, these three; but the greatest of these is love. I Corinthians 13

The question of marriage equality is a great American debate. Many people, some with strong religious faith, believe that marriage can only exist between a man and a woman. Other people, many of whom also have strong religious faith, believe that our country should not limit the commitment of marriage to some, but rather all Americans, gay and straight should be allowed to fully participate in the most basic of family values.

I have come to the conclusion that our government should not limit the right to marry based on who you love. While churches should never be required to conduct marriages outside of their religious beliefs, neither should the government tell people who they have a right to marry.

My views on this subject have changed over time, but as many of my gay and lesbian friends, colleagues and staff embrace long term committed relationships, I find myself unable to look them in the eye without honestly confronting this uncomfortable inequality. Supporting marriage equality for gay and lesbian couples is simply the right thing to do for our country, a country founded on the principals of liberty and equality.

Good people disagree with me. On the other hand, my children have a hard time understanding why this is even controversial. I think history will agree with my children.

A Perfect Saturday

Today I woke up and was startled. For the first time in a very long time, I have a whole day without any scheduled work events. So I thought I’d share how I am going to fill this unusual vast amount of empty space.

First up, I scooted downstairs to make my husband’s favorite Leftovers Frittata. I was away from home constantly the last two years as I campaigned and he is a wonderful and patient man. He deserves a hundred frittatas.

Leftovers Frittata

Preheat oven to 375
Spray deep dish pie pan with Pam

Whisk 6 eggs with 1/4 cup half and half or cream
Then go to town..
This morning I added some leftover chives
Then added a diced spicy chicken sausage
I sautéed the tops of 2 leeks with a little fresh jalapeño pepper, some yellow pepper, and some fresh spinach and added that
Then I put in about a half of cup of leftover brussell sprouts w/bacon
And about 1/3 cup reduced fat feta cheese.

Salt and pepper
Pour in pie plate
If you want add some grated cheese of choice on top
Bake for about 20 to 25 minutes ( till middle doesn’t wiggle )
Serves four

I took a pic when it came out of oven. I will include.

After breakfast and coffee with Joe, I’m going to spend some quality time on the treadmill. I’m watching latest season of Downton Abbey as I sweat. Makes it bearable.

Then I’m going to go shop for some bargains for my newest grandson. I GET TO BABYSIT TONIGHT AND HE’S SPENDING THE NIGHT! Can you tell I’m excited? He’s three months old and I’m over the moon over him. He is our sixth grandchild and they are all precious. I love buying clothes for my grandchildren.

Then I’m going to come home and the weather folks say its going to be warm enough for me to take some hot tea and my book to the screened in porch. I’m finishing a great book Elsewhere by Richard Russo. The book was a gift from Sherrod Brown’s wife, Connie Schultz, who is an accomplished writer in her own right.

Then….M I Z…. Tiger basketball on TV. They have looked good the last few weeks. Is it possible that they are coming together at exactly the right time? They will be. #2 seed in the SEC tourney, behind Florida. And this team is capable of beating anyone. I love college basketball, and yes, I’m mad about it in March.

I am so honored to serve my state. And I try to work very hard at my job. But to have a day that includes cooking, shopping, reading, Mizzou basketball, and babysitting my grandchild? Perfect.

I said I’d share recipe for my pretty darn good lemon meringue pie.

Here it is.
Ok, I love all things lemon. And I love meringue. So obviously I love this pie. So does my husband, and all of our family. So I thought I would share the recipe.

First credit goes to the Mustard Restaurant cookbook. Most of this recipe came from there, with a few adjustments. It is a great cookbook by the way.

I kinda cheat and use frozen pie crust!( my grandmother would not be pleased) Put a cookie sheet in the oven, and preheat to 400. I get deep dish frozen pie crust and let it sit out for 5 to 10 minutes, then prick the bottom and sides with a fork.

As you put the pie crust in the oven you should assemble the filling.

filling:
6 eggs
1 1/2 cups granulated sugar
Juice of 4 large lemons ( about 2/3 to 3/4 of a cup)
1/2 cup whipping cream
1TB lemon zest

Zest and juice lemons. Whisk 6 eggs with a 1 1/2 cups granulated sugar. Whisk in lemon juice and then add whipping cream. Then pour through a fine strainer into a pitcher or large measuring cup/pitcher. Stir in lemon zest. This will be very liquid.

By now the pie crust should have baked about 10 minutes. Open the oven door and pour the filling liquid right into the pie shell. Reduce heat to 325 and bake for 35 to 40 minutes, until center is set but not firm. Cool pie and then refrigerate.

When it is near the time you want to serve, make the meringue.

Meringue:
6 egg whites
1/4 tsp cream of tartar
1 cup of firmly packed brown sugar

Place the brown sugar in a small heavy saucepan and put 1/4 cup water over it. Turn it on high Using a candy thermometer bring it to about 230 degrees, and then begin whipping the egg whites and cream of tartar with balloon whisk attachment. When the candy thermometer reaches 245 degrees, you should remove from heat and begin to pour in thin stream into egg whites ( which should be slightly thick and foamy at this point) . As the egg whites begin to steam you should pour faster, and continue to whip until soft but firm peaks form. Then place this mountain of meringue on the pie and brown with torch or in oven under broiler. Be careful! Don’t let it burn. Don’t take your eyes off of it.

Yum.

My Homework Today

MEMORANDUM
April 14, 2012
 
To:​Chairman McCaskill
Fr:​Subcommittee on Contracting Oversight Staff
Re:​Hearing on The Comprehensive Contingency Contracting Reform Act of 2012 (S.2139)
 
​On Tuesday, April 17, 2012, at 10:30 a.m., the Subcommittee on Contracting Oversight will hold a hearing entitled, “The Comprehensive Contingency Contracting Reform Act of 2012 (S.2139).”  You and Senator Webb introduced S.2139 on February 29, 2012. Senators Blumenthal, Franken, and Tester have joined as co-sponsors.  The legislation is based on the findings and recommendations of the Commission on Wartime Contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan (the Commission), which were presented in its final report to Congress in August 2011.  

The purpose of this hearing is to review S.2139.  The hearing will examine how S.2139 remedies systemic problems in contingency contracting.  The hearing will also provide an opportunity to discuss what additional steps, if any, may be required to fully address findings in prior hearings and investigations by the Commission, Congress, and others regarding contracting in overseas military contingencies.

In preparation for the hearing, this memorandum provides background information on S.2139. A table with additional background on problem contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan will be provided to you separately.

I.​Background

In 2007, you and Senator Webb introduced legislation to create an independent Commission on Wartime Contracting to assess and examine potential waste, fraud, and abuse in contracting in Iraq and Afghanistan.  The Commission was modeled on the Truman Committee, which investigated waste and fraud during World War II.  The legislation was incorporated in the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2008, which was signed by the President on January 28, 2008.  The Commission submitted its final report to Congress on August 31, 2011.

The Commission found that at least $31 billion, and possibly as much as $60 billion, was wasted through government contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan. According to the Commission, “waste and fraud during contingency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan averages about $12 million every day for the past 10 years.” This assessment did not include the costs of projects that cannot be sustained, which will increase the estimate by billions.  In addition to the financial costs, the Commission found that poor planning, management, and oversight of contracts damaged the United States’ strategic and diplomatic objectives.  The Commission also made 15 sweeping recommendations to improve the management and oversight of contingency contracting, from changes to the management structure at the Defense Department, State Department, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to improving the government’s use of data and information technology.  The Commission concluded that “[m]eaningful progress will be limited as long as agencies resist major reforms that would elevate the importance of contracting … .”

Following the completion of the Commission’s work, Congress held several hearings on the Commission’s final report and recommendations.  At a hearing of the Senate Armed Service Subcommittee on Readiness and Management Support that you chaired in October 2011, Commissioner Dov Zakheim testified:  

[W]asteful contract outcomes in Iraq and Afghanistan demonstrate that federal agencies still do not see the heavy reliance on contractors as important enough to warrant thorough planning for and effective execution of the goods and services acquisitions that contingency requires.

In his testimony, Commissioner Zakheim emphasized that legislative action by Congress would be necessary to ensure that federal agencies implemented the Commission’s recommendations.  He concluded, “[p]olicies are easy to make. Implementation … is really what counts.”  

II.​The Comprehensive Contingency Contracting Reform Act of 2012 (S.2139)

S.2139 builds upon the Commission’s recommendations in its final report to Congress and on investigations conducted by the Subcommittee on Contracting Oversight, the Government Accountability Office (GAO), inspectors general, and other federal auditors and investigators.  If enacted, the legislation would implement comprehensive reforms by (1) increasing accountability for contingency contracting and (2) transforming the way the federal government awards, manages, and oversees contracts in contingencies.  

A.​Accountability for Contingency Contracting

If implemented, S. 2139 will increase accountability across government and within federal agencies for contingency contracting.  S.2139 requires the federal government to address how it will pay for contingency operations.  The legislation also establishes clear lines of authority for contingency contracting support within departments and require inclusion of contract support in planning documents and professional training for departments and agencies.  The legislation also strengthens oversight of contracting in contingencies.

1.​Consideration of Costs  

Lack of controls on spending for contingencies has contributed to skyrocketing costs in Iraq and Afghanistan, including the costs of contracting.  Over 90% of the Defense Department’s spending in Iraq and Afghanistan, which accounts for over 94% of the $1.3 trillion spent to date in those contingencies, has been provided through emergency or supplemental appropriations. This type of funding is exempt from the ceilings and limitations applicable in normal appropriations by Congress.  Between 2003 and 2008, requests to Congress for wartime spending increased by 13% to 41% each year.  
The growing costs of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have been overwhelmingly financed through borrowing by the federal government.  Earlier wars were paid for with a combination of tax increases, cuts in non-essential domestic spending, and borrowing.  During World War II, for example, tax increases accounted for approximately 45% of the cost of the war and cuts to federal programs in combination with borrowing paid for the remaining 55%.  During the length of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, however, the government has neither increased taxes nor cut domestic spending to pay for war funding, making borrowing the single mechanism to finance the nation’s military efforts.  
S.2139 requires the Executive Branch to address how it will fund overseas contingency operations in the future.  The President is required to ensure that any future request to Congress for funds in support of overseas contingency operations includes the proposed means to finance the requested amount, either by increases in revenue, decreases in federal programs, borrowing by the federal government, or by other means.  The Director of the Office of Management and Budget must advise the President on the means to finance such requests in consultation with the Secretaries of Defense, State, and Treasury, and must report to Congress on all such obligated funds.
2.​Management Structures for Contingency Contracting Support

 The Commission found that inadequate contract management at the Defense Department, State Department, and USAID contributed to waste, fraud, and abuse in Iraq and Afghanistan, and that most of the waste, fraud, and abuse was “foreseeable and avoidable.”  With respect to USAID, the Commission found:

[T]he decentralized structure has not served the agency well.  The gravest example is the fallout from the collapse of the Kabul Bank, showing that processes and rules that work elsewhere may be unsuitable in the midst of wartime operations.

The Defense Department’s management of contracts has been identified by GAO as a “high-risk” area for waste, fraud, and abuse since 1992.  Among the significant and ongoing problems identified by GAO has been the Department’s “approach to managing services acquisitions.”  GAO has found that these problems extended to contingency contracting.

The Defense Department was required to develop a structure for management of its service contracts in non-contingencies over six years ago.  The department has struggled to comply. The State Department and USAID have never had such requirements.

S.2139 requires the Defense Department to include services contracts in support of contingency operations within its existing management structure for the procurement of service contracts.  S.2139 also requires the State Department and USAID to develop their own management structure for procurement of services contracts, including contracts in support of contingency operations.   The State Department and USAID must evaluate whether to include elements such as guidelines and procedures for acquisition planning, solicitations, contract oversight, contract performance evaluations, and risk management, as part of their management structures.  The Departments must then report to Congress on those areas included in their respective management structures and those elements not included.

3.​ Accountability within the Defense Department

In its final report to Congress, the Commission cited a lack of clear lines of responsibility as a major problem in Iraq and Afghanistan.  The Commission concluded that “poor planning, management, and oversight of contracts … damaged [U.S. defense, diplomatic, and development] objectives.”  

At the Defense Department, there is no single individual or office below the Secretary who is currently responsible for all aspects of contingency contracting in Afghanistan. According to the Department’s Director of Expeditionary Business Operations:

Today’s Afghanistan contingency contracting offices do not yet operate synergistically.  Dozens of different offices operate independently … A single acquisition leader must be given the responsibility – and authority – to coordinate and manage end-to-end acquisition processes, systems, and controls … Not only is streamlined leadership essential to creating and implementing unified strategy, but it is also necessary to ensure progress is institutionalized and lessons are noted.

The Defense Department’s actions to date to streamline and centralize acquisition planning and oversight have not been adequate to address these problems.  In 2006, Congress required the Secretary of Defense to develop joint policies for planning, staffing, training, and assignment of responsibility for contingency contracting.  However, a subsequent review by GAO in 2008 found that the Defense Department had either failed to fully develop the required policies or had not implemented those policies it had developed.  

In March 2010, the Department established an internal Functional Capability Integration Board (FCIB) to coordinate operational contract support planning, program management, requirements definition, and related issues, including the requirements established by Congress in 2006.  The FCIB’s work is ongoing.  

S.2139 requires the Secretary of Defense to determine the chain of authority and responsibility within the Department for policy, planning, and execution of contract support for overseas contingency operations, including the responsibilities, roles, authorities, and objectives of officials within that chain, as they relate to contract support for overseas contingency operations.  The Secretary must establish the chain and report to Congress within one year of the bill’s enactment.  Within 18 months, the Comptroller General must report on whether the chain of authority established by the Secretary enables the Department to achieve effective policy, planning, and execution of contract support for overseas contingency operations.

4.​Responsibilities of Chief Acquisition Officers within the State Department and USAID

The Commission concluded that meaningful progress in contingency contracting reform would not happen at the State Department and USAID without changing the role of the Chief Acquisition Officer.  According to the Commission, “without a focus on contingency contracting in both State and USAID, skill sets, tradecraft, and knowledge gleaned from lessons learned will be soon forgotten and the benefits of any staffing gains will be lost.”

The Commission found that the State Department had failed to comply with the 2003 Service Acquisition Reform Act, which requires most federal agencies to designate a Chief Acquisition Officer (CAO) who reports directly to the agency head. Under current law, the CAO must be a non-career employee with acquisition management as his or her primary duty.  The Commission found that the State Department’s CAO is several levels below the agency head and deals with procurement issues as “just one item in a grab-bag of unconnected duties.”  

The Commission also found that USAID had failed to comply with of the intent of the law. The agency believes that it is not statutorily required to have a CAO.  It does, however, have an individual who fulfills many CAO functions.  This individual is a career employee, with multiple additional responsibilities, who does not report directly to the agency’s administrator.    

S.2139 requires that CAOs advise agency and department leadership regarding applicable contracting policy for overseas contingency operations and ensure compliance with policy requirements.  S.2139 also requires the head of acquisition functions for the State Department and USAID to be the Chief Acquisition Officer for the department and agency.  It sets direct reporting requirements to the Secretary and Administrator and requires that the CAO comply with all aspects of the Service Acquisition Reform Act of 2003.

5.​Collecting and Maintaining Information on Contingency Contract Support at the Departments of Defense and State

Congress and the public still do not have access to even basic information regarding contracts performed in Iraq and Afghanistan.  Although the Defense Department, State Department, and United States Agency for International Development (USAID) have been required to report annually to Congress regarding contracts performed in Iraq and Afghanistan since 2008, the agencies have failed to provide complete and accurate information.

In 2011, GAO found that agencies provided inaccurate information on contract spending and personnel figures in their annual report to Congress because none of the sources they used to report on contractor personnel and spending numbers were reliable.  According to GAO, the agencies’ 2010 joint report understated the three agencies’ obligations on contracts and grants in Iraq and Afghanistan by at least $4 billion.  

S.2139 requires the Defense Department and State Department to report annually to Congress during overseas contingency operations on the total number, value, and the extent of competition for contracts performed in the area of the contingency, total number of contractor personnel working under reported contracts, total number of contractor personnel performing security functions, and the total number of contractor personnel killed or wounded under reported contracts.   S.2139 also requires that reports include assessment of policy, planning, management, and oversight of contract support by the departments.

6.​Contingency Contract Support Planning and Training at the Departments of Defense and State

A shortage of trained personnel has severely hampered the management and oversight of contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan.   According to Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction Stewart Bowen:  

[s]upplying adequate numbers of personnel with the requisite expertise emerged as a critical bottleneck early in the reconstruction effort … Although personnel recruitment improved somewhat as the reconstruction enterprise matured, at no time were there sufficient numbers of experienced advisors to meet Iraq’s critical capacity-building needs.

Neither the Defense Department nor the State Department has adequately addressed the lack of trained personnel. Since 2006, the Secretary of Defense has been required by Congress to develop joint policies for training to address contingency contracting.  In 2008, Congress required the Department to expand its policies to include development of requirements for training of military personnel outside the acquisition workforce. Despite these requirements, GAO has reported that the Defense Department has not fully developed or implemented adequate training policies.  

In March 2012, GAO reported that Defense Department has continued to fail to provide sufficient, trained personnel to oversee contracts in Afghanistan.  GAO concluded that, while the Department has taken steps to improve its training, “the required training does not fully prepare [officials] to perform their contract oversight duties in contingency areas such as Afghanistan.”

The Defense Department has also failed to comply with its own guidance related to planning for contingency contracting.  The Defense Department has required the combatant commands to include planning for operational contract support in their planning since 2006.  However, GAO found that only four operational plans had been approved containing the required sections addressing operational contract support.

Neither the State Department nor USAID require personnel outside of their acquisition departments to be trained on contingency contracts.  In addition, neither agency is currently required to include plans for the use of contractors in contingency planning.  

S.2139 requires professional education for Defense Department and State Department officials to include curriculum on contracting in contingencies.  Military education must include requirements for contingency program management and the strategic impact of contract costs in contingencies.  State Department professional education must develop curriculum to cover these areas as well as acquisition matters specific to the Department of State in support of overseas contingency operations.

S.2139 also requires the Defense Department and State Department to add operational contract support as a requirement in planning documents.  Contractor support must be reviewed quarterly in reports to Congress as a capability under the Department’s existing readiness reporting system.  The Secretary of State must establish a readiness reporting system for the State Department that includes review of contract support.  The Secretary of State must also set requirements for performance of a Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR), within the Department with elements to include contractor support for diplomatic and overseas development strategy and roles and responsibilities of contractors within the Department.

7.​Suspension and Debarment Officials

Federal agencies have failed to adequately use suspension and debarment to protect the government.  In 2011, the Defense Department found that, over a 10-year period, the Department awarded $255 million to contractors who were convicted of criminal fraud and $574 billion to contractors involved in civil fraud cases that resulted in a settlement or judgment against the contractor, many of whom were never suspended or debarred.   In 2011, GAO reported that over a five year period from 2006 through 2010, the State Department, with over $33 billion in contracts, had only six suspension or debarment cases.

Agencies, including the State Department, which failed to adequately use suspension and debarment procedures to safeguard the government’s interests, share similar characteristics: no full time dedicated suspension and debarment staff, lack of detailed policies and guidance, and absence of established practices to encourage referrals.  By contrast, the Air Force suspensions and debarment program, which had 367 suspension or debarment actions in 2010 and is widely regarded as successful, owes its effectiveness to a dedicated staff with a full-time, career official in charge who is separate from the acquisition chain, and “empowered” to protect the government.  

S.2139 requires Suspension and Debarment Officials (SDOs) for the Defense Department, the military departments, the State Department, and USAID to maintain a dedicated staff, adopt and comply with guidance on policies and procedures, and implement training and uniform practices for suspension and debarment activities.  Each agency must maintain at least one full time official, whose duties are limited to the direction, management, and oversight of suspension and debarment activities.  The legislation prohibits locating the SDO within the acquisition offices of the department or agency and requires that SDOs maintain membership and provide information to the Interagency Committee on Debarment and Suspension (ICDS) to assist the ICDS in fulfilling its annual reporting obligations to Congress.  

S.2139 also provides for automatic suspensions where a contractor has been indicted, a civil or criminal action alleging fraud has been filed by the government, or there has been a final determination of a contractor’s failure to pay outstanding obligations.   This section applies only to suspension, not debarment, and its requirements may be waived at the discretion of the SDO.  

8.​Responsibilities of Inspectors General

Congress has previously attempted to address the lack of oversight in contingencies by creating new Inspectors General.  In 2003, Congress created the Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction (SIGIR) and in 2008, it created the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) to provide a comprehensive and independent means for oversight of programs and operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, respectively.  In the past nine years, SIGIR has issued over 200 audit reports and estimates that over $644 million has been recovered or saved based on actions taken by government agencies in response to SIGIR findings and recommendations. As of January 2012, SIGAR has completed 53 audits over a four year period, identifying over $259 million in funds that should be returned to the U.S.  Investigations by SIGIR and SIGAR have resulted in over $224 million in recovered funds in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Statutory Inspectors General have also made major contributions to the detection and prevention of waste, fraud and abuse in Iraq and Afghanistan. In 2011, GAO found that across government, the Inspectors General reported potential savings of about $43.3 billion resulting from their work in 2009 alone, which represents a return of approximately $18 for every dollar spent on the Inspectors General.”  In just the six month period between April and September 2011, the Defense Department Inspector General conducted over 80 audits identifying $547 million in funds which could be better spent.    

S.2139 works within existing structures to increase the authority and responsibility of Inspectors General upon declaration of contingency operations.  S. 2139 does not implement the Commission’s recommendation that Congress create a permanent Office of Inspector General for Contingency Operations with authority to increase or decrease staff in the event of an overseas contingency.  The Inspectors General for the Defense Department, State Department, and USAID have expressed concerns regarding this recommendation, including whether such an office could be effective.  In addition, fiscal concerns remain about the efficacy of creating a new inspector general office, staff, and fund, all of which would be required by the creation of a permanent Inspector General for contingencies.

S.2139 amends the Inspector General Act of 1978 to require the Chair of the Council of Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency (CIGIE) to designate a Lead Inspector General for Contingency Operations from among the existing Inspectors General for the Department of Defense, Department of State, and USAID.  The Lead Inspector General is responsible for conducting oversight of all aspects of a contingency and must report annually to Congress on all overseas contingency operations.  The Lead Inspector General is also responsible for resolving jurisdictional disputes and, along with the other covered inspectors general, may employ rehired annuitants and temporary personnel for up to five years to assist in conducting oversight of contingency operations.

B.​Contract Award, Management, and Oversight

S.2139 requires agencies to reduce reliance on noncompetitive contracting practices and restrict subcontracting practices that have resulted in a lack of visibility regarding where U.S. dollars flow in contingencies.  The legislation also requires agencies to conduct risk analyses before relying on private security contractors and to terminate unsustainable reconstruction and development projects.  It also strengthens tools to combat human trafficking.

​​1.​Limitations on Noncompetitive Contracts

The Commission found that lack of competition contributed to the waste, fraud, and abuse of contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan.  In just one example, the Commission estimated that failure to implement competition at the task-order level at the beginning of the $6 billion Army logistical support contract known as LOGCAP III and delays in awarding its competitive successor contract, LOGCAP IV, resulted in over $3.3 billion in waste.  

S.2139 limits the time period for contracts entered into by the Defense Department, State Department, and USAID in contingency operations to three years for competitively bid contracts and one year for all non-competitive contracts.  These limitations can be waived depending on compelling needs of departments in contingencies if senior officials provide written justifications.  The limitations do not take effect until six months after the commencement of an overseas contingency operation.

S.2139 requires that when agencies solicit contract proposals from only a single source, use of the “unusual and compelling urgency” exception provided for in the Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR) as the basis for entering into sole-source contracts, must be documented by the agency in a written justification and approval (J&A) of the reasons necessary for using this authority.  The legislation requires agencies to compile these J&As and submit them annually in a report to Congress.

2.​Subcontractor Transparency and Oversight  

The government’s inability to conduct adequate oversight of subcontractors has also contributed to waste, fraud, and abuse.  For example, in 2011, the Justice Department filed a false claims act against KBR on the LOGCAP III contract based on allegations of kickbacks to one of its subcontractors, Tamimi.  According to the Commission, Tamimi, which held subcontracts worth over $700 million, and whose general manager was subsequently convicted of related felonies, was legally entitled to refuse to provide a complete record of its subcontracts to the Defense Contract Audit Agency or to the Commission.  

In June 2011, in response to a report by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on U.S. foreign assistance to Afghanistan which found that USAID relied heavily on contractors, had limited oversight and visibility of prime contractors and subcontractors, and concluded that the U.S. should review Afghan aid policy to ensure that it engages only in projects that are “necessary, achievable, and sustainable”, USAID implemented a number of improvements to address contractor accountability and enhanced oversight at USAID.  These improvements include new limitations for subcontractors.  USAID states that it now includes a clause in new contract awards in Afghanistan which permits USAID to restrict the number of subcontract tiers and requires the prime contractor to perform a certain percentage of the work.  

S.2139 limits the number of tiers that can be subcontracted for service contracts. These limitations can be waived depending on compelling needs of departments in contingencies if senior officials provide written justifications.  The limitations do not take effect until six months after the commencement of an overseas contingency operation.

3.​Reliance on Private Security Contractors.  

Problems with armed private security personnel in Iraq and Afghanistan have been widely reported.   The most notorious incident occurred in September 2007, when guards employed by the private security company Blackwater allegedly shot and killed 17 civilians in Iraq’s Nisur Square.  In Afghanistan, multiple private security contractors working for the Defense Department have been found to be funneling U.S. taxpayer dollars to Afghan warlords.  The performance of many private security contractors has also been found to be so inadequate that their failures “directly affect the safety of U.S. military personnel.”  

In 2008, Congress required increased training and reporting requirements for private security contractor personnel in contingencies as well as new contract clause provisions to reflect these changes. However, over four years later, regulations addressing selection, training, equipping, and conduct of contractor personnel performing private security functions in areas of contingency operations have still not been fully enacted.  

In its final report, the Commission concluded that existing standards do not provide adequate guidance to federal agencies about when private security contractors should be used in contingency operations.  Those standards only address when the government is legally entitled to use such contractors, not whether it is advisable.  The Commission recommended that agencies conduct a realistic risk assessment and noted that there could be circumstances, like those currently present in Afghanistan, where the risks outweighed the benefits of contracting for security functions.  

S.2139 requires that, for contingency operations that exceed six months, the commander of combat activities in a contingency, in consultation with the Secretaries of Defense or State, must perform a risk analysis consistent with the obligations for analysis under Defense Department Instruction 1100.22 to determine whether the continued performance of personal, mobile, or static security functions by contractors is appropriate.  The Act requires the Secretaries of Defense and State must each report annual to Congress on the continued use of contractors to perform these security functions in overseas contingency operations.  The review must incorporate the risk analysis performed by the combatant commanders and explain the departments’ plans for maintaining performance of these functions
.4.​Uniform Contract Writing Systems and Information on Prices.  

The award and management of contingency contracts could be improved through better implementation of information technology.  For example, GAO has identified five overlapping and duplicative contract writing systems at the Air Force alone, which the Air Force has recently begun work to consolidate.

There are also opportunities to achieve savings in contingency contracts through better sharing of information among agencies.  The Defense Department’s Director of Defense Pricing is developing a pilot system called the Contractor Business Analysis Repository (CBAR), which will give contracting officials tools to compare the price histories and the proposed rates on goods and services across the Department.  If expanded and shared, this type of information presents an opportunity for cost savings across the government.    

S.2139 requires civilian and military agencies each to establish and maintain a single contract writing system for executive branch agencies.  Agencies may use contract writing systems of another agency if the Office of Management and Budget determines that such use will cost savings to the federal government.  S.2139 also requires that the Office of Federal Procurement Policy establish a database on prices for services and items charged to the federal government under existing contracts to assist acquisition personnel in monitoring price changes and conducting cost analyses regarding the reasonableness of prices for items and services.

5.​Combating Trafficking in Persons and Consent to Jurisdiction.  

The Commission found that existing laws have been insufficient to stem human trafficking under contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan.  The Commission stated:  

At many times during its travels and hearings, the Commission uncovered tragic evidence of the recurrent problem of trafficking in persons by labor brokers or subcontractors of contingency contractors.  Existing prohibitions on such trafficking have failed to suppress it. Labor brokers or subcontractors have an incentive to lure third-country nationals into coming to work for United States contractors, only to be mistreated or exploited.

​The Commission also noted that there are limited opportunities for accountability for contractors because civil and criminal jurisdiction for foreign contractors operating overseas remains uncertain due to lack of personal jurisdiction in U.S. courts.

S.2139 makes it illegal to solicit, recruit or hire persons for work on contracts performed outside the United States by fraudulent means, such as material misrepresentations or promises regarding employment. The legislation also requires that these contracts include a termination clause applicable if any prime contractor, subcontractor, or labor broker employed under a contract with the Defense Department, State Department, and USAID engages in trafficking in persons, the procurement of commercial sex acts, or the use of forced labor, such as failure to repatriate an employee upon the end of employment or confiscation or concealment of an employee’s immigration documents.  Contractors would be required to annually certify to the government that no such activity has occurred by persons employed by them under the contract. 

S.2139 requires that foreign entities who choose to enter into contracts with the United States must consent to personal jurisdiction in the United States in suits brought by the government and authorized individuals for actions involving wrongful death, serious bodily injury, rape, or sexual assault.

6.​Information on Past Performance  

The Commission found that agencies were not effectively using information about contractors’ past performance in contingencies.  According to the Commission, “agencies lack the necessary insight into contractor performance and have an increased risk of awarding contract to habitual poor performers.”  The Commission also found that the current process of performance evaluations, including contractor appeals discourage candid evaluations and unduly delay sharing past performance information among contract officials. The Commission recommended that contractors not be allowed to appeal agency performance evaluations.

In 2011, Congress partially addressed the problem of contractor evaluations by changing the applicable time period for the process for Defense Department contracts.  Defense Department officials are now required to report past performance information into the government’s past performance system 14 days after sharing it with the contractor, regardless of whether contractors provide rebuttals or additional information to contracting officials for inclusion in their evaluations.  

S.2139 requires that information about past performance and integrity of contractors currently maintained by the government in the Federal Awardee Performance and Integrity Information System (FAPIIS) must include information about an entire corporation, including any parent, subsidiary, or successor entity, not just an individual vendor.  The legislation also amends the Federal Acquisition regulation to require agencies to use the Contractor Performance Assessment Reporting System (CPARS) when submitting information to the Past Performance Information Retrieval System (PPIRS).  It also eliminates the obligation for agencies to wait 30 days in order for contractors to respond to performance evaluations prior to submission.

7.​Sustainability  

The federal government has spent hundreds of millions, if not billions, on projects in Iraq and Afghanistan which cannot be sustained by the host government.  In just one example, the Commission found that the United States spent $40 million to partially construct a prison in Iraq, even though the Iraqi government explicitly stated it would not complete construction or occupy the prison after it was completed.

The government of Afghanistan will be unable to sustain the overwhelming majority of projects built by the United States.  In June 2008, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee released a report which found that 97% of Afghanistan’s GDP is comprised of spending related to the military operation and international support.  The Foreign Relations Committee report recommended that the Administration and Congress review Afghan aid policy to ensure that it engages only in projects that are “necessary, achievable, and sustainable.”

The majority of funding for reconstruction projects in Iraq and Afghanistan has come from the Defense Department.  Overall, the Defense Department has spent more than $6.9 billion in Iraq and Afghanistan on projects funded by the Commanders’ Emergency Response Program (CERP) and the Afghanistan Infrastructure Fund (AIF).  In one year, under the AIF alone, the Defense Department received over $400 million for reconstruction and development projects, including approximately $130 million for continuation of a power transmission project in Kandahar, $101 million for a power transmission project in Chimtala-Ghazni, and $23 million for a road construction project in Helmand Province. These projects were approved with cursory explanations by the Department regarding how the host country might sustain these projects in the future.

Under current law, sustainability analyses are already required to be performed for projects administered by USAID.  The Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 requires that a sustainability analysis be conducted and certification of a host nation’s ability to sustain a project be provided for any infrastructure projects over $1 million that are funded out of development-related accounts.

S.2139 prohibits the Defense Department from entering into large reconstruction related projects in contingencies unless the Secretary of Defense in consultation with the U.S. commander of military operations in the country in which the project is to be carried out jointly certify that the host country can sustain the project once completed.  Certifications must be provided to Congress and current projects in Afghanistan must be terminated unless they can be certified as sustainable or a determination is made by the Secretary that the project is necessary to the military mission.

A Cockroach and a Bazooka


Congratulations to all of you who decided to get involved with your government. You have had a real impact on the legislative process. As I watched my Twitter account explode, I couldn’t help but grin. This is how it’s supposed to work. Thousands of people, not lobbyists or organized special interest groups, began petitioning their government in a way that those who wrote the Constitution could never have envisioned. With lightning speed, and in great numbers, you typed and swiped, cut and pasted, Tweeted and Facebooked, and you killed a bill. Bravo.

As a former prosecutor, I want to go after cheats and frauds. Illegal sale of counterfeit goods and piracy of intellectual property is major problem that hurts our economy and goes against the values we all hold dear, particularly that as Americans we are entitled to the fruits of our labors. We believe in the basic ethic of, “work hard and play by the rules.”
 
But every piece of legislation has to be examined carefully for the unintended consequences. PIPA was designed to go after foreign rogue websites that are selling or providing access to illegal copies of video and audio content and counterfeited goods. These websites are stealing copyrighted material and selling it on the Internet. This hurts musicians and artists who own the rights to the content they have created as well as small businesses and retailers that want to legitimately sell their goods. Additionally, all of the people who support and work in these industries see their work diminished and their jobs negatively influenced. This is an issue we must address and we can address.

However, as drafted, PIPA created more problems than it was trying to solve. The Internet is a powerful tool and its unrestricted exchange of information has allowed all parts of the world to interact with each other, while growing the global economy. But the affect that PIPA would have on our current copyright laws and our ability to access the Internet is unclear.  Many provisions in the bill were written too broadly. This could have resulted in increased litigation, the targeting of legitimate websites and more liability for reputable businesses.

Many people have noted that the former background picture on my Twitter account was taken from an open site where information can be shared freely. I didn’t properly credit the photographer, for which I am sorry.

Although this is not the behavior PIPA was targeting, the notion that a casual use of a picture — itself simply grabbed from Google Images by my then 19-year-old daughter as she helped me set up my Twitter account — could become the source of major legal problems gives me pause when I think of what similar situations could arise in a broader context. We must not pass any legislation unless it is narrowly tailored and reduces the risk of unintended consequences on the medium of the internet that is so important to innovation and information sharing.

There were, in short, too many unanswered questions about how PIPA would affect the operations of the Internet and the ramifications it could have on search engines and other providers. We need to go after thieves, but we don’t want to kill a cockroach with a bazooka. Because there are many complicated technical and legal issues that still need to be addressed, I will not support PIPA as it is currently drafted and will not support any bill in the future that threatens the freedom of the Internet in such a broad and unpredictable way.  

Thank you all for contacting me, especially those who live in the state that I love, Missouri.

Now this is the right attitude.

This is an excerpt from an interview with Sen Pat Toomey, Republican from Pennsylvania:


“I introduced a bill with Missouri Sen. Claire McCaskill, she’s a Democrat. She’s up for reelection. She’s considered one of the more vulnerable, incumbent Democrats. She and I happen to agree that we ought to eliminate earmarks, for a variety of reasons. We disagree on a lot of things but we agree on that. So, we introduced a bill together and we did a press conference and we’re going to try to get this thing passed. I had a colleague, who stood up in a private meeting, and criticized me for working with a vulnerable, incumbent Democrat. ‘Why would you do a thing like that, you’re boosting her chances of being reelected.’ Well, I couldn’t disagree with that attitude more. I am absolutely not going to refuse to work with a Democrat because they’re in cycle. Anybody that wants to work together and accomplish something for our constituents, I don’t care who they are and if they’re up for reelection or not. And the fact that this attitude exists though, is a source of enormous frustration for people all across the country, for sure.”

Meeting Aggie Wolf

Harry Truman’s tenure in the United States Senate was defined by his work on the Truman Committee, and so when I was elected to his seat in 2006, I felt a special obligation to look at war contracting.  

My background as a government auditor also helped drive my interest in this area. My trips to both Iraq and Afghanistan as a member of the Armed Services Committee convinced me that contracting was out of control, and that we needed an investigative committee to focus on the problem. 

While President Bush was still in office, Senator Jim Webb and I teamed up to push a bipartisan war contracting commission through Congress. Here’s a recent video of Professor Tiefer on the origins of the commission:

As a United States Senator, I’ve had the privilege of meeting a lot of interesting people. But last week, the opportunity to meet with Aggie Wolf was truly extraordinary.

In 1945, Aggie became one of the first women investigators to be hired by a Senate committee. One of the reasons I was thrilled to visit with her is because she was employed by the Truman Committee, where she specialized in man power investigations. She told great stories about Harry Truman — his leadership, his perseverance, and his penchant for bourbon at the Christmas parties.

Aggie Wolf meets Claire and Sen. Webb

She also wanted to obtain a copy of the recently completed report of our war contracting commission. We all agreed that Truman would have a fit about the abuses that have been uncovered, totaling as much as $60 billion. Click here to learn more about the Commission and its findings

Going to repeat this blog again. Why I don’t follow you.

20 notes delete edit
Every few months I need to explain. Obviously some think it’s because I don’t care. But nothing could be further from the truth.

Obviously I think twitter is a great communiciation tool. Many folks have commented that I should follow more people. One recent blogger has declared that I’m arrogant since  I only follow one person. Let me try to explain why I don’t follow more people.

 Early on I realized that for me to do this myself I had to be realistic about time constraints. Most members of Congress who tweet have staff help on their tweeting. In fact, many members have their staff actually do their tweets for them.

I took a different route. I decided I would do this myself. It would be me, and only me. Some weeks I tweet a lot, others not so much. But without fail I read every single tweet I receive. Ok, maybe I gloss over a few “form” tweets, but I sincerely make an effort to read all. So I get lots of opinions and thoughts from thousands of people. Every day. It truly is two way communication.

If I followed people I would get so many tweets about so many subjects, it would be so much harder for me to get through all the tweets to find those that relate to my work on behalf of Missourians.  I get close to 10,000 letters and emails  a week in my Senate office just from Missourians.

I could take the easy route and say I’m following thousands of people. But that would  feel dishonest because I really would not have the time to read all of their tweets and would have to zoom through hundreds to seek out those tweets that are asking for help, or expressing their opinion on an issue facing us in the Senate.

I like twitter. Not many Senators have embraced it. I believe it does ground me and provides an easy way to stay close to what people are thinking out there. Please feel free to tweet me anytime by including @clairecmc in your tweet. I direct message folks all the time if they are following me. If not, many times I just reply to them.

Thanks so much.
 

So grateful that there was no loss of life in St Louis from the storms and tornado.

Thanks to all the first responders and emergency crews for their great work.
I have checked in with Mayor Slay and County Executive Dooley, and my staff has been in contact with their offices also. We have also been in communication with the staff at Lambert airport to offer any assistance. My legislative staff is checking in with FAA, TSA, DOT, MIssouri National Guard, to let them know we’re monitoring the situation and response. General Danner of the Missouri National Guard is reporting a fair amount of structural damage in their buildings at the airport. County Executive Dooley’s office is reporting tornado damage in several neighborhoods. Mayor Slay’s office, of course, has the lead on Lambert. The Governor declared an emergency last night and we’ll have more SEMA/FEMA teams on the ground soon.  

I’m proud of the efforts being made by all the public servants who are dealing with the damage from this tornado. I’m also confident in their abilities and know everyone is working together as a team.

Every few months I have to explain why I don’t follow you.

Why I don’t follow you.

Obviously I think twitter is a great communiciation tool. Many folks have commented that I should follow more people. One recent blogger has declared that I’m arrogant since  I only follow one person. Let me try to explain why I don’t follow more people.

 Early on I realized that for me to do this myself I had to be realistic about time constraints. Most members of Congress who tweet have staff help on their tweeting. In fact, many members have their staff actually do their tweets for them.

I took a different route. I decided I would do this myself. It would be me, and only me. Some weeks I tweet a lot, others not so much. But without fail I read every single tweet I receive. Ok, maybe I gloss over a few “form” tweets, but I sincerely make an effort to read all. So I get lots of opinions and thoughts from thousands of people. Every day. It truly is two way communication.

If I followed people I would get so many tweets about so many subjects, it would be so much harder for me to get through all the tweets to find those that relate to my work on behalf of Missourians.  I get close to 10,000 letters and emails  a week in my Senate office just from Missourians.

I could take the easy route and say I’m following thousands of people. But that would  feel dishonest because I really would not have the time to read all of their tweets and would have to zoom through hundreds to seek out those tweets that are asking for help, or expressing their opinion on an issue facing us in the Senate.

I like twitter. Not many Senators have embraced it. I believe it does ground me and provides an easy way to stay close to what people are thinking out there. Please feel free to tweet me anytime by including @clairecmc in your tweet. I direct message folks all the time if they are following me. If not, many times I just reply to them.

Thanks so much.

Happy 110th birthday Frank Buckles! Mo native is last living veteran of WWI. I think we have accomplished a pretty good present.

                                                                                     
McCaskill Sponsors Legislation to Dedicate Liberty Memorial as a  National World War I Memorial
Legislation pays tribute to veterans of the “Great War”
 
Washington, D.C. – Home to the only National World War I Museum in the country, Kansas City’s Liberty Memorial is finally getting the recognition it deserves as a place of honor and tribute for the brave service members who sacrificed and risked their lives in the country’s “Great War.” Today, U.S. Senator Claire McCaskill is joining Senator Jay Rockefeller (D-WV) in sponsoring bipartisan legislation, co-sponsored by Senators Jim Webb (D-VA), John Thune (R-SD), and Roy Blunt (R-MO), that will designate the Liberty Memorial in Kansas City as a National World War I Museum and Memorial. The legislation will also give national memorial status to the Washington, D.C. War Memorial.

 
“Built with private donations by the people of Kansas City, the Liberty Memorial has led the way in telling the stories of those who served in the Great War, further preserving their memory in the minds of generations of Americans,” McCaskill said. “I’m thrilled that after months of hard work we were able to come to a comprise that is befitting of our veterans and honors their work both in the heart of America and our nation’s capital.”  
 
After nearly two years of work on this legislation, the senators, with the help and cooperation of the Liberty Memorial Association and the World War I Memorial Foundation, crafted a compromise from two pieces of legislation, one focused on the D.C. Memorial, the other on the Liberty Memorial, that will encompass the primary objectives for both the Kansas City and Washington, D.C. memorials. Specifically, this bill will dedicate the Liberty Memorial of Kansas City as the “National World War I Museum and Memorial” and the District of Columbia War Memorial as the “District of Columbia and National World War I Memorial.” 
 
As the WWI centennial approaches, the legislation also provides for the formation of a 24-member commission to design and implement a proper nationwide commemoration of the centennial. The commission will be based in Kansas City and will feature the city as a focal point in the development of the centennial activities.
 
Born 110 years ago today, Missouri native Frank Buckles remains our only living veteran of this war, representing all those who served and sacrificed with valor. With his dedication and service to our country in mind, McCaskill is working to bring this legislation to a vote as quickly as possible.  
 
 
 
###
 
 

Yesterday’s WSJ opinion piece on magnesium tariffs has it right.

This tariff is a big job killer here in America. It is especially hurting small manufacturing in rural Missouri. I’m hopeful that the bipartisan support to end this damaging tariff will bring the sunsetting of this provision. It’s important.


Mugging Magnesium

Remember when Charlie Daniels sang about driving in a Chevrolet with “a peace sign, mag wheels and four on the floor” (“Uneasy Rider,” 1973)? Those were the good old days when American die casters could compete in the market for car parts made from magnesium alloy. Today, the U.S. magnesium industry and its thousands of jobs are in desperate shape, thanks to Washington trade barriers.

In 2005, at the behest of America’s monopoly magnesium producer—U.S. Magnesium of Utah—the Commerce Department imposed antidumping duties on magnesium from Russia and magnesium alloy from Russia and China. Five years later magnesium alloy is in short supply in the U.S., leading to much higher prices than in the rest of the world and a crisis for die casters, alloy producers and recyclers. The good news is that the duties are up for International Trade Commission (ITC) review under the sunset provision for antidumping law.

At two-thirds the weight of aluminum, magnesium is in especially high demand in the auto industry. The Department of Energy’s Vehicle Technologies Program supports research and development of magnesium and magnesium alloy in the quest to reduce automobile weight. Car makers use it for everything from engine blocks and transmission casings to wheels.

In a December 6 letter to the ITC, Arkansas Congressman Mike Ross spelled out the problem: “U.S. manufacturers pay $2.30 per pound on average for magnesium alloy while manufacturers in Mexico, Canada and Europe pay $1.50 per pound and Chinese manufacturers pay $1.36 per pound.” Die casters who have tried shifting to aluminum have lost orders to overseas producers.

Michael Sparks, executive vice president of operations at Mexico, Missouri-based Spartan Light Metal Products, says, “customers have changed from purchasing magnesium parts and subassemblies from us to purchasing from foreign competitors.” Mr. Sparks told the ITC that his company may need to let go 15%-20% of its workforce.

If the goal was to destroy a U.S. manufacturing industry, you couldn’t have come up with a better plan. The North American Die Casters Association says some 1,875 direct jobs and 8,000 supporting jobs have been lost since the 2005 antidumping orders took effect. U.S. magnesium alloy producers have also been stung by duties because they’ve been priced out of the market and recyclers can’t find scrap.

At recent ITC hearings, Senator Claire McCaskill (D., Mo.) described “one small area of rural Missouri” where there are “over 1,000 jobs associated with companies that use magnesium. Their inability to compete with the price of magnesium internationally is causing these jobs to dry up, and that has a devastating impact on these communities.” Representative Michele Bachmann (Minn.) and Illinois assemblyman Daniel Reitz testified to similar hardship in their districts.

All of this has been done in the name of saving 400 jobs at U.S. Magnesium, though there is no evidence that the sole American supplier of the metal would have gone out of business without the antidumping protection. Rather, the duties have allowed the company to use monopoly pricing at home while expanding abroad.

Antidumping duties are supposed to ensure that U.S. businesses are not undercut by unfair trade practices. But typically they raise prices on the many to benefit the few, costing more jobs than they protect. The ITC can save jobs by revoking the magnesium antidumping duties and restoring competition to the U.S. market.